Articles

In this message to HRIC (Chinese only), lawyer Tang Jitian (唐吉田) describes his detention and questioning by police in Shenzhen on February 1, 2013, when he tried to attend the appeals trial of a former policeman, Wang Dengchao. In 2012, Wang was sentenced to 14 years in prison after attempting to organize a public event on March 8 that year to commemorate the 87th anniversary of Sun Yatsen’s death and to call for democracy.

In this article (Chinese only), Shanghainese rights activist Feng Zhenghu (冯正虎) narrates how he sent a letter to CPC Secretary-General and PRC President Xi Jinping (习近平) in December 2012, with a complaint on how he spent 268 days in illegal detention in 2012, and what happened as a result.

In this brief article (Chinese only), veteran Guangdong-based rights defender Guo Feixiong (郭飞雄) summarizes the points he made in support of Southern Weekly during interviews and exchanges with other participates made at a rally before Southern Weekly Guangzhou offices. The significance of the Southern Weekly protest, he writes, is that it is “the first wave of political change” in China since 1989, and that it is a political experiment led by grass-rooted rights defenders to demand a constitutional democracy.

In this article (Chinese only), rights defender and house church leader Xu Yonghai (徐永海) describes how at least five members of his Beijing-based house church were taken by the police on forced “travel” to the south of China. And at least five other members, including Xu himself, have been put under house arrest. Xu quotes Beijing dissident artist Yan Zhengxue (严正学) in describing the heavily-guarded city during the 18th Party Congress currently under way: “The repairmen, street cleaners, and street vendors of yore are now all sporting red armbands. Also on patrol are the grandpa reconnaissance units and bound-feet women security guards....”

2012-09-19

In this account, the authors tell the story of Wu Muqin—a Guangdong peasant who was abandoned by her husband when she was seriously ill—became disabled after being beaten by her ex-husband’s cousin. The police did not respond when she reported the assault. Unable to walk, she resorted to publicizing her story in text messages that she sent out via her mobile phone and received attention from netizens.

On August 17, 2012, domestic security police disrupted a gathering of the Beijing Christian house church Divine Love Group of the Beijing Christian House Church. Xu Yonghai (徐永海), the head of Divine Love Group, was taken into a police vehicle for questioning, and an elder sister was prevented from attending the gathering. Xu writes of their experience in this article (Chinese only).

2012-08-06

In his letter (Chinese only) to the Guangzhou Municipal Bureau of Justice, lawyer Chen Wuquan (陈武权) explains why he wanted to defend Chen Kegui, the nephew of blind legal advocate Chen Guangcheng who is facing charges of intentional homicide as a result of defending himself against intruders who broke into his home. Chen Wuquan also details how the Bureau of Justice forced him to quit the case, and then how his law firm fired him.

Wuhan dissident Qin Yongmin (秦永敏) and Wang Xifeng (王喜凤) were married in May 2012. However, authorities have persisted in refusing to issue a marriage certificate to the couple. In this article (Chinese only), Qin and Wang explain how they have had to terminate their pregnancy in order to avoid being accused of violating official family planning policy.

On August 3, 2012, Henan rural rights activist Hong Maoxian (洪茂先) was released from prison after serving a one-year sentence on conviction of “obstructing official business” and “destroying public property.” Hong’s prosecution arose following a clash between police and villagers in Fushan Township, Shangcheng County, Henan Province in early January 2002. The local authorities opened investigation into the incident in 2011 after Hong began making plans to run as an independent candidate in the local people’s congress election. Hong was originally sentenced to three years in prison, and the sentence was reduced to one year on appeal. He is a veteran of the Sino-Vietnamese War (1979).

The 16 members of the Defenders of Lin Zhao’s Legacy have been announced as the recipients of the Fifth annual Promoting Progress in China Award from the Australia-based Qi’s Cultural Foundation. In their nomination for the Defenders of Lin Zhao’s Legacy, Hu Jie (胡杰), Ai Xiaoming (艾晓明), and Ai Weiwei (艾未未) write, “The Defenders of Lin Zhao’s Legacy have meticulously worked to preserve the legacy and spirit of Lin Zhao and her life over the past 30 years through thick and thin, allowing a strong voice criticizing China's authoritarian regime to be able to passed on to the people....”

[Black Jails]Four Shanghainese petitioners were intercepted by authorities on July 20, 2012 as they attempted to go to Beidaihe District, Hebei Province for a weekend trip. The four were detained and forcibly returned to Shanghai. Li Yufang (李玉芳) writes of two of the petitioners' experiences upon returning—she was locked in a black jail, and Wang Kouma (王扣玛) was questioned by the police, became ill and had to be rushed to the hospital, and as of July 31, 2012 was under 24-hour surveillance in his home.

This short article (Chinese only) describes Shanghai petitioner Wang Kouma’s determination to continue to fight his case despite being categorized as one of the five types of people accused by a Chinese expert of being used by the United States to interfere with China’s rise. The five types of people were listed in the July 31, 2012 People’s Daily article “What Are Real Challenges for China?” by Yuan Peng, head of the American Institute of the China Institutes of Contemporary International Relations.

Ye Jinghuan (野靖环), a representative from a group of independent candidates for the local people's congress, writes in this essay (Chinese only) of how she, the independent candidates, and a group of villagers went to the Guangqumen Bridge area of Beijing to mourn the victims of the July 21, 2012 flood. Why, the mourners asked, does the government always undertake rescue efforts rather than disaster prevention measures in the first place? "This is because rescue work garners attention and acclaim, while disaster prevention does not," responds Ye.

Liu Fanbi (刘凡必), a victim of financial fraud, was sentenced to five years on a trumped-up charge after he offended a procuratorate officer while trying to retrieve his losses that the authorities had confiscated from the criminals. Liu began petitioning to authorities at different government levels after his release. In March 2010, the local procuratorate office issued a written promise that it would return the money to Liu within one month. It has not done so to date. In this account (Chinese only), Liu equates his fate to that of an ant.

Sun Haixiang (孙海洋), a rights defender in Shenyang, Liaoning Province, writes of a recent ordeal of attempted abduction. Sun has been beaten many times by thugs for reporting illegal gambling. On May 3, 2012, Sun was then beaten harshly by bailiffs from the Shenhe District People's Court. On May 9, 2012, he went to the Huangcheng Substation of the Shenhe District Public Security Bureau and requested an examination by a medicolegal expert due to the injuries he sustained from the bailiffs. He was told to wait and went to stand outside the substation. After he exited, three unidentified men suddenly appeared and dragged him to a nearby parked car. Sun screamed for help and officers rushed out to bring him back into the substation. Sun attempted to file a complaint of abduction, but the substation refused, citing that the men had claimed that Sun had borrowed 30,000 yuan, despite having no evidence of the transaction.

In this timeline, Guangdong-based legal activist Guo Feixiong (郭飞雄) (a.k.a. Yang Maodong [杨茂东]) chronicles the events that led up to the detention and release of several democracy activists who have become known as the "five gentlemen of Guangzhou who held placards."

Li Tiantian (李天天), a former lawyer from Shanghai, has suffered continuous harassment by the authorities since she began participating in rights defense activities and publishing articles in 2009. Li made an online appeal in support of the Jasmine Revolution in February 2011, and since then was detained for 95 days and forced to leave Shanghai on six occasions. She has since abandoned her profession as lawyer. Li writes in the article that she feels that the rule of law in China is little more than window dressing.

Veteran dissident Qin Yongmin (秦永敏) was administratively detained for 10 days during the 2012 NPC/CPPCC Sessions by the Qingshan District Public Security Bureau in Wuhan, Hubei; he was then illegally detained an additional five days. Qin was illegally deprived of his right to meet with his family or contact those outside while he was detained. In this article on his experience, Qin writes that he has been detained 17 times since the beginning of 2012, resulting in a significant loss of property and severe physical and mental exhaustion.

[Ye Jinghuan] Ye Jinghuan (野靖环), a Beijing petitioner and rights defender, describes his beating by police when he, along with nine others, went to petition at the Letters and Visits Office of the Ministry of Public Security. The police also subjected three fellow petitioners to body search before refusing to register their petitions. The group had gone to the office to petition against the brutality committed by the officials at the Yangfangdian local police station in Beijing’s Haidian District.

[Qin Yongmin and Hu Shigen] Xu Yonghai (徐永海), a Beijing rights defender, describes the ordeal of two democracy activists who appealed for aid on behalf of Wang Guoqi, a Beijing democracy activist (who was imprisoned for 12 years) who was hospitalized: Qin Yongmin, from Wuhan, who also served 12 years in prison, was administratively detained for ten days, and Hu Shigen, from Beijing, who was imprisoned for 16 years, was struck by an unidentified motorcycle. Xu says that, as a Christian, he would use the love that comes from God to forgive the perpetrators and pray for Qin and Hu.

2011-12-23

A member of the Guizhou Human Rights Symposium writes that the government ban of the group on the ostensible reason that it had not registered with government, detention of its members, and formal arrest of its chief organizer Chen Xi (陈西)—not only abuse the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, but violate the rights to freedom of association and freedom of expression protected by the Chinese Constitution.

2011-12-22

An essay by a member of the Guizhou Human Rights Symposium on Chen Xi’s (陈西) arrest and charge of endangering national security for publishing essays online supporting human rights. Mi states that as freedom of expression is protected by the China’s Constitution, and that what the authorities did to Chen once again shows that a citizen’s exercise of the rights enshrined in the Constitution can be viewed as criminal in China.

2011-10-12

A profile of Zuo Xiaohuan (左晓环), a Sichuan rights activist, written by fellow activist Huang Xiaoming. Zuo was detained by the Mianyang Municipal Public Security Bureau on May 28, 2010, and formally arrested on November 19, 2010, both on suspicion of under suspicion of inciting subversion of state power. Eighteen months later, he remains in custody awaiting trial. Huang himself was released in August 2011, after serving two-and-a-half years for gathering a crowd to disturb social order.

This appeal (CH), by Zhang Shanguang (张善光) of the Hunan Citizens online forum, to the Shaoyang government to provide redress and social benefits to Li Wangyang (李旺阳), who was imprisoned for 21 years for political reasons. The appeal gives the account of Li Wangyang, a worker-leader in the 1989 Democracy Movement, who was sentenced to 13 years in prison for “counterrevolutionary propaganda,”and to another 10 years in 2001 on the for “subversion of

[Feng Zhenghu] In this article (CH), the Shanghai-based rights activist and law educator Feng Zhenghu (冯正虎) explains the importance of a citizen’s right to file a legal case and the urgency of the fight for this right. In early 2011, Feng complied and published “I Want to File a Complaint: A Collection of Judicial Inactions in Shanghai,” a four-volume collection of 430 cases filed by 190 complainants that were ignored by the courts. He states that some Shanghai residents are beginning to recognize the important function of the law in protecting their rights and are pursuing legal action instead of petitioning the government.