China Rights Forum, Spring 1998
Fang Jue, 44, a former vice director of the planning commission in Fuzhou, co-authored and distributed the statement translated here.
A native of Beijing, Fang spent four years working in the fields of Shaanxi during the Cultural Revolution. He subsequently received a degree in economics from Beijing University and went on to work for the Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, the Research Institute of Political Science and the Fuzhou municipal government. In 1995 he left government work to start his own trading company. However, he maintains close contacts with his former government colleagues and still considers himself a system insider. His current independent status, however, allows him greater latitude for expressing his views, he says, and he uses this distance to stimulate discussion within official ranks and to give voice to the liberal thinkers within the Party.
The Program Proposals of the Democratic Faction is the culmination of such discussion and interaction. Although Fang is the sole signatory of the statement, according to Fang the document is the collective effort of several hundred middle- and upper-level government officials, including Central Committee members, who have engaged in extensive informal dialogues. The statement, he says, is a synthesis of views expressed by an emerging generation of officials frustrated with the continued dominance of China's conservative gerontocracy and disappointed by the dearth of political reforms during the 15th CCP Congress.
Fang Jue, who currently lives in Beijing, spoke openly about the statement with the Washington Post for an article published on January 12, 1998. He has since done interviews with Voice of America, Le Figaro and National Public Radio on the subject.
A Call From Inside the System
by Fang Jue
From outside, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) appears almost as monolithic as ever. Under the principle of democratic centralism, Party members are permitted to express their views on policy internally, yet once the Party has decided on a course of action, they must implement it without question. "Factions," whether based on power networks or shared perspectives, are strictly forbidden. Of course the reality is that factions do exist, as well as extreme differences of opinion. Zhongnanhai watchers pore over the wording, emphasis and omissions in speeches of individual leaders to try and figure out their positions on key questions.
Even outside the CCP, public debate over policy options is still severely limited, since the news media are still required to act as the "mouthpiece of the Party," particularly on sensitive issues. Thus, for example, economists cannot publicly characterize the restructuring of state owned enterprises by selling them off to shareholders as "privatization." At the recent meeting of the National People's Congress, deputies were reportedly ordered not to express views in favor of devaluation of the yuan in public.
Thus the appearance outside China of the document, China Needs a New Transformation - Program Proposals of the Democratic Faction, which was issued on November 20, 1997, by former official Fang Jue, was a surprising development. The Program reveals dissatisfaction and dissent within the Party and government, while also highlighting the fact that such views cannot be publicly raised inside the country. The document has been distributed to members of the CCP Central Committee.
The proposals of Fang Jue and the Democratic Faction indicate a strong desire within China's official ranks for political reform, a project which has remained on ice since the 1989 crackdown. The platform calls for direct elections for all levels of government, freedoms of expression and association, religious tolerance, the separation of party and government, accelerated democratization in Hong Kong, negotiations with the Dalai Lama, explicit recognition of the status quo with regard to Taiwan and a reversal of the verdict on the 1989 demonstrations, known in China simply as "June Fourth." It also addresses a comprehensive range of domestic and foreign policy issues, including market reform, nuclear disarmament and regional security. Here we present the full translation of the document.
CHINA NEEDS A NEW TRANSFORMATION: PROGRAM PROPOSALS OF THE DEMOCRATIC FACTION
Fang Jue
November 15, 1997
As China approaches the threshold of a new century,
it must fundamentally transform itself, or it will
find it impossible to further promote modernization,
garner the support of the various generations and
classes of its people, and be truly accepted by the
civilized world.
Political reform is the most significant point of concern for both the Chinese people and the international community. Taking the first step toward democracy is the key to China becoming a modern nation.
1. Elections for All Levels of the People's Congress by Universal Suffrage
The direct election of county-level representatives for the People's Congress has been practiced in China for almost twenty years. The current degree of economic development, education and citizens' political consciousness satisfies the necessary conditions for the election by universal suffrage of the People¡¦s Congress representatives above the county level.
In most developing countries, the election of representatives for all levels of legislature by universal suffrage is already the political norm.
The Ninth National People¡¦s Congress to be formed in the spring of 1998 should take as a pressing, fundamental task the enactment of an Election Law that would reflect the desire of the Chinese people for elections by universal suffrage and would comply with international standards.
Constituted by free, fair and direct elections, the traditional People¡¦s Congress, which has a half-century long history, will be transformed into a modern legislature that truly and independently exercises its power to legislate, to determine the composition of the government and to supervise the administration. Thus legal channels for participating in national affairs with equal opportunity and competition will be created.
2. Freedoms of Press and Association
In order to reflect public opinion, domestic conditions and international affairs truly, completely and promptly, in accordance with the norms of civilized society, individuals should be permitted independently to create, or participate in the creation of, newspapers, journals, publishing companies, news services, broadcasting stations, television stations or other media organizations. In compliance with international practice, distribution of foreign newspapers, journals, books, audio or video products, broadcasting programs and so on should be permitted without restriction. Foreign media organizations should be provided with the necessary conditions for normal professional activities in China. Foreign entities should be allowed to form public media enterprises in China or to invest in or manage Chinese media enterprises. The freedom of public multi-media communications (World Wide Web) and other modern information communication methods should be protected. To achieve such objectives, current regulations that limit or prohibit private management of and foreign investment in newspapers, publishing houses, printing companies, audio and video production and broadcasting should be relaxed. The drafting and enactment of a News and Publication Law should be put on the agenda immediately.
In order to respond to China's newly formed and ever-developing political situations in a civil and positive fashion, as well as to the growing diversification of society, the Chinese government should permit the exercise of the freedom to organize associations to protect interests of special groups or the public interest, whether political or non-political. Independent labor unions, farmers' unions, merchant guilds, student groups, professional associations, public interest entities, religious groups and so on should be active participants in China. Political groups that aim to advance democratic reform should be a legal constituency in an open political system. To achieve such objectives, current regulations that require each association to have a "leading department" should be relaxed, associations both with and without a leading department should be treated equally, and the drafting and enactment of an Association Law should be carried out immediately.
3. Institutional Separation of the Party and the Government
The modernization process in China should include the modernization of the relationship between political parties and the government. The enactment of legislation, the formulation of administrative policies and personnel decisions should be determined only through competitive public elections and actions of the parliament, in accordance with impartial legal procedures and publicly recognized political principles.
In the past 20 years, the quality of personnel in public office has improved, specialization of governmental administration has been refined and the public has come to the realization that a more independent and legitimate government is required. Reform can start with the separation of party and government at the township and county levels. The township People¡¦s Congress and the township administration, the county People¡¦s Congress and the county government should be made, respectively, the political and administrative centers in their jurisdictions, with the withdrawal of party control. Thus the institutional separation of political parties and the government will gradually but promptly be carried out at higher levels and eventually cover the entire governmental system.
Under the framework of separate political parties and governmental systems, the autonomous power of local government should be expanded on the basis of the specific conditions of each region. Legal measures should establish a more equitable distribution of rights, obligations and benefits between the central government and the local governments.
Starting with the election of People¡¦s Congress representatives by universal suffrage, the realization of freedoms of the press and association and the separation of the party and governmental systems, the democratic process will transform China into a modern nation with a constitutional basis, multi-party politics, free elections of administrative leaders, a military free of party control and an independent judicial system.
The Chinese economy should make the fundamental advancement of the people's interests its first priority. Such progress relies on the establishment of an economy that is governed by market principles and that consists equally of state-owned, privately-owned and foreign-owned entities.
1. TRANSFORMING DISCRIMINATORY ECONOMIC TREATMENT INTO EQUAL COMPETITION
The state is the common enterprise of the whole people and should treat all forms of ownership and all entities equally.
In competition in both domestic and international markets, all kinds of direct and hidden subsidies to state-owned enterprises should be phased out rapidly. The excessive parts of the state-owned economy showing a lackluster performance should be eliminated through the adoption of drastic restructuring measures including ceasing operations and declaring bankruptcy. The high percentage of state-owned enterprises in the economy should be reduced significantly.
Just as small state-owned enterprises may issue stock and accept investment from individuals and private entities, large state-owned enterprises should be able to issue stock and accept investment from individuals and private entities in the same way. Under proper circumstances, large state-owned enterprises may accept foreign investment in large amounts.
The monopolies existing in many industries that prevent many state-owned enterprises from improving efficiency and profitability through fair competition should be weakened and changed.
Except for a few special areas relating to rare strategic resources, all industries in the economy should be open to private investment, including banking, infrastructure and cross-border trade. Private capital should be allowed to move freely.
Private enterprises should be treated equally in all aspects such as access to loans, energy and raw material supplies, using foreign exchange, and the market management.
Foreign investment should be given free access to service sectors such as banking, securities, insurance, transportation, communication, trade, construction, entertainment and public utilities, and should enjoy equal operating rights.
Premised on full competition, China's market should be further opened. Using conventional international standards as reference, the import tariff on a large amount of important products should be reduced promptly, and other non-tariff barriers should be eliminated to the fullest extent possible.
The practice of forcing foreign investors to transfer technology should be stopped. The protectionist requirements that make some foreign capital enterprises sell specified ratios of their products to foreign markets should be abandoned. The unfair practice of selecting foreign cooperation partners for important projects on the basis of political standards or other non-economic factors should be changed.
The international principles on liberalization of trade and investment recognized by most countries that will help improve the health of China's economy and benefit Chinese consumers should be accepted as a whole.
2. TRANSFORMING A STATE ECONOMY TO A PUBLIC ECONOMY
The traditional state economy lacks public supervision. Therefore, it is likely to stray from serving the public interest and lead to endemic corruption. The modern state economy should be a public economy in a general sense, and should operate in a democratic system.
3. GOVERNMENT REGULATION IN CONFORMITY WITH MARKET RULES
To avoid the harmful frictions between a weak market economy and a strong planned economy, government control and interference in economic activities should be reduced extensively and substantially.
The old custom of planning and pursuing economic development through political influence and administrative procedures should be changed. The backward method of organizing economic operation by administrative districts that sever market connections should also be changed.
Public funds should not be concentrated in profitable industries, but should be used in public interest sectors and social welfare. State banks should operate and make loans based on commercial principles, and should not be ordered to support enterprises with low efficiency or to make up losses.
The construction of important projects should adopt the market-orientated methods of finance and operation, and should no longer be the traditional territory of governmental administrative orders and state monopoly.
Value-added taxes and corporate income taxes should be reduced to encourage capital accumulation and to create reasonable conditions to determine the proper scale of the government budget. Random governmental interference in the operation of the economy should be eliminated. The concept of "funds outside of the budget" should not be allowed in the modern financial system.
The governmental approval system and exclusive access provisions that partially limit enterprises and the market should be cut back. Administrative restrictions on the monetary supply, securities and futures and the price index should be reduced.
Cultural diversity is the spiritual joining force that will help transform traditional China into a modern society. It is also the foundation for the conceptual world of a civilized people.
1. Respect for Diversity of Ideas
Promoting the importation, discussion, instruction and popularization of all kinds of progressive thinking is the cultural mission and moral responsibility of intellectuals, who should not be suppressed for doing so.
Expressing new thoughts, new theories and new opinions, as well as finding a channel for the mass communication of them are the legitimate right and independent activity of a citizen, who should not be persecuted for doing so.
All vital theories must accept equal intellectual competition. Indoctrination and repression will only result in the breakdown of communication between private thoughts and official ideology, between the cultural elite and political authority. This diminishes the inspiring spiritual support needed for China's modernization process.
2. Eliminating the Negative Effects of Cultural Restrictions
If cultural activity is financed and powered by a political party or government, it will surely be developed in one direction and limited within a specified frame. Thus, cultural life will lose its two fundamental characteristics: liberty and its popular base.
Resistance to popular modern culture will hurt the public's cultural identity and will disturb society's spiritual balance. Imitating outdated cultural products of the leftist period will cause spiritual vitality to wither and impede cultural progress.
Open and enlightened cultural guidelines should replace the stifling and repressive cultural environment.
Foreign policy must suit China's urgent need for the international community in its modernization process, as well as the international standards required of China.
1. Promoting Regional Stability
To participate equally, fairly and open-mindedly in maintaining the stability and prosperity of East Asia brings benefit to both China and other countries, and such action is the primary regional responsibility of China.
2. Preventing Arms Proliferation
The practice of obtaining specific political benefits and increasing diplomatic leverage by selling highly sensitive weapons and technology should be abandoned. Such action would improve China's image and broaden the scope for normal international activities. It also conforms to the interests of the peoples of the world.
China should formulate clear policy on preventing arms proliferation, and establish more effective restriction and monitoring systems. Relevant international conventions and agreements should be respected and enforced.
The exportation of materials, equipment and technologies that have both civilian and military uses should be controlled more strictly, comprehensively and definitely. No cooperation with sensitive countries under any "gray" circumstances should be allowed.
3. Giving a Greater Place to Human Rights Standards
Conducting constructive international human rights dialogue and practicing cooperation bilaterally, multilaterally and on both governmental and non-governmental levels is a necessary step towards elevating the place of human rights standards in China's foreign policy in conformity with the principles of civilized countries.
Allowing international human rights organizations to establish normal working connections within China, allowing foreign religious organizations to establish proper organizational relations with Chinese religious groups and believers, and allowing the International Committee of the Red Cross to inspect the conditions of Chinese prisons are proper measures to respond to international humanitarian appeals.
Civil and political liberties are the core of human rights. After signing the International Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, it is all the more important for China to sign, as soon as possible, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and to approve its Optional Protocol. China should fulfill its legal obligations under such conventions and should accept international monitoring.
Human rights represent the universal values and basic dignity of all humanity. No authority in any country has the right to impose cruel domination or racial oppression on its own people. Furthermore, no authority in any country has the right to subject the people of other countries to invasion or expansionism. China should recognize the new principles accepted by contemporary global society, and should uphold or participate in the relevant international activities supporting these.
4. Strengthening Arms Control
Given that neither the surrounding countries nor the rest of the world pose significant threats to China's safety, and taking into account that the implementation of peaceful policy is extremely important to China's modernization process and the long-term stability of the international situation, China's defense modernization should be based on "necessary defensive capability."
The current acceleration of military spending should be slowed. The high-volume purchasing of modern offensive heavy weaponry from other countries should be reduced. The renewed expansion of the defense industry should be restricted. The tendency to flaunt military force should be changed.
In the contemporary world, the strategy of nuclear deterrence has lost its practical effectiveness and moral defensibility. China should actively participate in multilateral nuclear disarmament.
5. Fostering Sino-U.S. Cooperation
Establishing and developing Sino-U.S. cooperation on the basis of striving to bridge substantive differences is the most important external condition for China's successful modernization and its complete integration into the international community. Such cooperation is also extremely beneficial to the harmony and security of the world as a whole.
It is necessary to dissuade certain leaders in China from criticizing the United States recklessly. The negative assumption that the United States is an enemy should not be encouraged. Exchanges in politics, economy, culture, education, information and personnel between China and the United States should be broadened and deepened.
It is necessary to respect the strong American influence in Asian affairs that has been established owing to historic reasons and current realities. China should not support any third country in pursuing confrontation with the United States.
It is necessary actively to consult and coordinate with the United States and to seek closer positions on fundamental issues such as human rights protection, fair trade and arms proliferation.
In world affairs it is necessary to support democratic and developed countries, led by the United States, in playing a leading role in resolving regional conflicts, keeping world peace and building a new international order after the Cold War. China should participate in mutually beneficial international economic exchanges, as well as openly engage in international security guarantees.
In adjusting its foreign policy, China should make a fundamental choice: Should China stand on the side of world freedom and democracy, which represents the mainstream and direction of our time, or should China stand on the opposite side?
The policy regarding Hong Kong, Tibet and Taiwan should be consistent with three fundamental targets: to increase the happiness and security of the people living in those regions, to assist China's healthy development and to promote normal exchanges between China and the international community.
1. Hong Kong
2. Tibet
Any institutional plan for Tibet should take full consideration of the Tibetan people's opinions through the democratic process. Under special situations, employing the internationally recognized principles of ethnic self-determination should not be ruled out.
Tibet's diplomatic and military affairs should be administered by the Chinese central government; Tibet should enjoy broad, true autonomy in the legislative, administrative, judicature, religious and cultural fields; and major leaders in Tibet should be selected through direct elections by universal suffrage.
3. Taiwan
The above statement should be the starting point for an understanding between people on both sides of the Taiwan Straits and for the international community.
The stagnant stability created by the domestic pursuit of mighty state power and external expansionism, which characterized the Brezhnev period of the Soviet Union, should not be the model of today.
The outmoded, undemocratic and corrupt pattern adopted by certain East Asian countries in the 1960s, 1970s and 1980s, which emphasized only economic growth, should not be today's example either.
We suggest that discussion, dialogue and consultation on China's democratic process and direction for reform should be conducted equally involving the party in power, the government, all other political parties and the political representatives of various groups - including overseas dissidents and those with different views within the Chinese Communist Party. Partisan approaches that do not sufficiently reflect the will of all the people and do not fully consider all possibilities for progress should be left behind.
We believe that completely reversing the verdict on the June 4 1989 incident is a critical step in realizing political and legal justice. It is also a necessary response to long-held international expectations.
We hope that all criminal prosecutions, regulatory penalties and administrative punishments directed against people who hold different beliefs or political views will be revoked, and that concomitant actions that deviate from the world trend of respecting human rights will no longer take place.
We are convinced that firmly advocating and continuously implementing China's historic transformation truly represents the new generation, the new force and the future of the next century.
UNIVERSAL DECLARATION OF HUMAN RIGHTS
December 10, 1948
Article 19
Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media and regardless of frontiers.
Article 20
Everyone has the right to freedom of peaceful assembly and association. No one may be compelled to belong to an association.
Article 21
Everyone has the right to take part in the government of his country, directly or through freely chosen representatives. Everyone has the right to equal access to public service in his country. The will of the people shall be the basis of the authority of government; this will shall be expressed in periodic and genuine elections which shall be by universal and equal suffrage and shall be held by secret vote or by equivalent free voting procedures.