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谭竞嫦在美国国会听证会的证词(中/英)(图)

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2019年09月18日


谭竞嫦在美国国会听证会上。(视频截图)

Chairman McGovern, Co-Chairman Rubio, and Members of the Commission,

麦克高文主席,鲁比奥联席主席,各位委员会成员

thank you for this hearing opportunity. It is an honor for me to stand in solidarity with the frontline activists.  I want to thank the Commission members for their critical support for the Hong Kong people and leadership on the Hong Kong Human Rights and Democracy Act and the Protect Hong Kong Act.

感谢您们举行这场听证会。我很荣幸能够与前线活动家团结一致。我要感谢委员会成员对香港人的支持和引领《香港人权与民主法》和《保护香港法》。

Over the past three months, the whole world has witnessed a historic David and Goliath standoff. Against all odds, the Hong Kong people are standing up to the powerful, authoritarian regime in Beijing. In this historic battle, they are not only fighting for the democratic future of 7.4 million Hong Kong people, but they also holding the regional and global frontline on preserving human dignity and rights for all people. 

在过去的三个月里,全世界目睹了历史性的大卫和歌利亚的对峙。香港人排除万难站到北京强大的独裁政权面前。在这场历史性的抗争中,他们不仅为740万香港人的民主未来而奋斗,而且还在维护所有人的人格尊严和权利方面站在区域和全球前沿。

The past “summer of discontent” is in fact part of years of ongoing resistance by Hong Kong people against Beijing’s encroachment on Hong Kong’s autonomy, rights, and freedoms.  This peaceful resistance has included mass demonstrations against the proposed Article 23 security legislation  (2003), against official brainwashing of the so-called patriotic education  (2012), and against the gutting of promises of genuine universal suffrage  (2014).  After the clearance of the Occupy Central sites in December 2014, democracy activists left a promise inscribed on the concrete sidewalks – We will return. They have kept that promise. 

香港人多年来一直反对北京侵犯香港自治、权利和自由,而这个“躁动的夏天”实际上是这场抵抗运动的一部分。这种和平抵抗包括反对拟议的第23条安全立法(2003年)的大规模示威活动;反对官方洗脑的所谓爱国主义教育(2012年);以及反对北京不守承诺,扼杀实现真普选(2014年)。在2014年12月占领中环结束时,民主人士们在人行道上刻下了一句承诺——我们会再归来。他们信守了这一承诺。

Instead of Beijing’s hoped for movement fatigue, the protests are moving into the 15th week pressing for now five non-negotiable demands, supported by unflagging solidarity and broad participation of diverse sectors of Hong Kong society. The out-of-control lawless actions of the Hong Kong police have only provided mobilization fuel for Hong Kong people to “add oil.” 

北京预期运动会因旷日持久而败阵,但结果不如北京预期,由于香港社会各界的不懈团结和广泛参与,抗议活动正在进入第15周,抗争者的五大诉求也绝不退让。香港警方失控的无法无天行为,只为香港人添加了“加油”的动员燃料。

As Chairman Mao said: “Whereever there is suppression, there will be resistance!”   
The Communist Party of China leadership understands and fears this, as highlighted by Xi Jinping’s ramped up invocation of Cultural Revolution “struggle” (douzheng 斗争) terminology.

正如毛主席所说:“哪里有压迫,哪里就有反抗!”
中国共产党领导层对此十分清楚并且惧怕,由习近平近日反覆重提文革语言、不断强调“斗争”,即可见一斑。

What actions can the international community and, specifically the U.S. government, take to further support Hong Kong people in what will clearly be a long struggle?

国际社会,特别是美国政府可以采取甚么行动,进一步支持香港人这场长期斗争?

We need to first address the tensions that were baked into the One Country, Two Systems framework, perhaps making One Country into One System an inevitable outcome. Taiwan’s President Tsai Ing-wen’s takeaway   from the current political crisis in Hong Kong hits the nail on the head—not only is One Country, Two Systems not a viable model for Taiwan, but the Hong Kong example proves that dictatorship and democracy cannot co-exist.

我们首先需要解决一国两制框架中的紧张局势,在此框架下也许一国一制将是不可避免的结果。台湾总统蔡英文对香港当下的政治危机之见解一针见血——莫说是“一国两制”不是台湾的可行模式,香港的例子证明独裁和民主根本不能并存。

Rule of law and why it matters

法治及其重要性

An independent functioning rule of law is essential to protecting rights and preserving Hong Kong’s promised autonomy. However, glaring rule of law deficits in the mainland “rule the country by law” approach (aside from the obvious fact it is not a rule of law) have implications for Hong Kong’s rule of law.

独立运作的法治对于保护港人权利和维护北京承诺的香港自治至关重要。然而,大陆“依法治国”明显不是法治,「依法治国」会影响到香港的法治。

• First, the mainland Chinese state Constitution and numerous high-level policy pronouncements legitimize the principle that subordinates law to the leadership of the Party.  Anyone who challenges or is perceived to challenge the Party’s leadership or disagrees with its policies or criticizes “Xi Jinping Thought on Socialism with Chinese Characteristics for a New Era” (now also enshrined in the state Constitution) runs the risk of criminal prosecution,  including for inciting subversion or subversion of state power that carry potential heavy prison sentences. The reintroduction of Article 23 security legislation in Hong Kong will inevitably carry the imprints of the Party’s concept of national security.

首先,中国大陆宪法和众多高层政策将从属法律中对效忠共产党领导的原则进行合法化。任何挑战或被认为挑战党的领导或不同意其政策或批评“习近平关于中国特色社会主义新时代的思想”(现在也载入宪法)的人都有被起诉的风险,包括煽动颠覆或颠覆国家政权,而面临被判处重刑。在香港重新引入的第二十三条安全立法,必然会印上党对国家安全定义的读解。

Notwithstanding the fact that independence is clearly not one of the five demands of the protests, Beijing’s invocation of terrorism, splittism, and separatism  (China’s “three evils’ approach”) is also building a foundation for the reintroduction of Article 23 security legislation.

尽管港独显然不是抗争的五大诉求之一,但北京援引恐怖主义,分裂主义和分离主义(中国的“三邪”套路)也为重新引入第二十三条安全立法奠定了基础。

• Second, the demand for complete loyalty to the Party from not only Party members, but also from judges, lawyers, teachers, media workers, and every sector of society, guts the independence of the legal profession  and media,  —two key pillars for ensuring a rule of law.  But Hong Kong is not the mainland—yet.  Despite efforts like the proposed Hong Kong national anthem law and forced loyalty requirements, loyalty, pride, and love cannot be legislated.

第二,北京不仅要求党员对党的绝对忠诚,还要求法官、律师、教师、媒体工作者和社会各界对党的绝对忠诚,这破坏了法律专业和媒体独立,而法律专业和传媒是确保法治的两个关键支柱。但香港暂时还不是大陆。就如透过在香港提出国歌法和强制效忠所要求的一样,忠诚,自豪和爱无法以立法达到目的。

• Third, the Party has expanded its control beyond the administrative branch (where Party committees are already installed in government organs at all levels) to the legislative  and judicial organs.   Most recently, on September 10, 2019, a Central Inspection Group of the Party announced that in addition to its inspection tours of the Supreme People’s Court, Supreme People’s Procuratorate, and Ministry of Justice, it would also work inside the SPC, SPP, and MOJ for two months.   Party control of Hong Kong via the Macao Hong Kong Liasion offices is now more direct and public.

第三,党已将控制范围从行政部门(在各级政府机关已有党委)扩大到立法和司法机关。最近,在2019年9月10日,该党的中央检查组宣布,除了对最高人民法院、最高人民检察院和司法部进行考察之外,它还将在最高人民法院、最高人民检察院和司法部内进行工作两个月。党通过中央人民政府联络处办事处对香港的控制现在更加直接和公开。

It is not surprising then that Hong Kong people, foreign business and the international community were alarmed by the prospect of being subjected to such a “rule the country by law” system—one also marked by rights violations including torture and abuse in detention, forced disappearance, televised confessions, and criminalization of and crackdowns on legitimate exercise of rights.

香港人、外国企业和国际社会对这种所谓“依法治国”甚为警惕,而由于上述原因,使我们不会对他们的反应感到惊奇——这种制度的另一个特点是其对人权的侵害,包括酷刑和虐待、被迫失踪、电视忏悔、以及对合法行使权利的刑事定罪和镇压行为。

In addition, developments in Hong Kong have contributed to undermining its long- established rule of law and eroding public faith and confidence in the government, the legal system, and law enforcement, including: 

此外,近期香港的几个发展都在破坏香港长期以来的法治,削弱公众对政府、法律制度和执法的信心和信念,包括:

• Selective arrests and politicized prosecution of protesters, high profile democracy activists, and legislators, and the imposition of disproportionately heavier sentences related to misuse and application of the Public Order Ordinance. 

选择性逮捕和政治起诉抗争者、知名民主活动家和立法会议员,以及误用《公安条例》施加与滥用重刑。

• Police acting with impunity trampling on rights to peaceful assembly, expression and freedom from torture, ill-treatment or abuse. Police misconduct includes use of excessive force in violation of international standards, refusal to show ID cards or other official identification, and increasing reports of torture, abuse, or delay in providing medical attention and restriction to access to lawyers. We see evidence of this impunity every day, in video after video.

警察肆无忌惮地践踏和平集会、自由言论、免遭酷刑、虐待及折磨的权利。警方的不当行为包括违反国际标准使用过度武力,拒绝出示委任证或其他官方身份证明,以及增加酷刑、虐待或延迟提供医疗服务和限制律师协助。我们每天都会看到有证据表明这种有罪不罚的现象。

• The use of  “decoy” undercover police disguised as protestors (initially denied by the authorities), to conduct surveillance, sow distrust, and then participate in crowd control actions and conducting arrests.

使用“诱饵”卧底警察伪装成抗争者(最初被当局否认),进行监视、分化,然后参与人群控制行动和对示威者进行逮捕。

• Concerns regarding the role of mainland police and security forces in cooperation with the Hong Kong police: For example, in August 2018, the People’s Daily announced the establishment of the Greater Bay Area Police Cooperation Mechanism, among Guangdong, Hong Kong, and Macao.  Part of or related to this mechanism, the Guangdong’s Public Security Department (gongan ting公安厅)has conducted training of key Hong Kong police personnel in Guangdong.

对有大陆公安和武警部队与香港警方合作的忧虑:例如,2018年8月,《人民日报》宣布在广东、香港和澳门建立大湾区公安合作机制。与此机制有关的广东省公安厅(公安厅)已在广东省培训被重点提拔的香港警务人员。

• Concerns regarding potential infiltration by or use of mainland security or police forces on Hong Kong territory have also been generated by contested videos and reports of use of putonghua or phrases not commonly used by Hong Kong people such as comrade (tongzhi, 同志)  and mismatches between a visible police badge belonging to a female officer worn by a male officer.  

对内地武警或公安在香港境内可能渗透或执勤的担忧,部分有争议的视频显示,有香港警察使用普通话或“同志”等香港人不常用的普通话或短语。也有人见到有香港警察错用警察徽章,男性督察使用女性督察的徽章。

• The Notice of No Objection has granted the police the legal tool to clamp down on any peaceful protests. Therefore, Hong Kongers face the ridiculous situation where the police can deny application for a letter of no objection filed by a group for a peaceful assembly to protest police violence. More importantly, this misuse of the procedure undermines the right to peaceful assembly under international standards by imposing unduly restrictive administrative requirements on the exercise of the right.

警方以是否发出“不反对通知书”作为法律手段,打击任何和平抗议。因此,香港人面对这样一种荒谬的情况,即警察可以拒绝一个团体提出的反对警察暴力的和平集会。更重要的是,这种滥用程序的做法破坏了在国际标准下和平集会的权利,对行使这项权利施加了过分限制性的行政要求。

Instead of addressing the rampant police violence and misconduct and misuse of law that is fueling public anger and protests, the Chief Executive has maintained a hard-line echoing Beijing’s law and order rhetoric and economic priorities.  She has refused to establish an independent commission of inquiry as demanded by the protesters and in fact recommended by the UN Human Rights Committee in 2013 in addition to its recommendation that there be training for the police.  Instead, she is relying on a toothless IPCC fact-finding study exercise, that is woefully inadequate in terms of independence, credibility and even competency.

行政长官没有解决猖獗的警暴、不当行为和滥用法律等引起公众愤怒和抗议的问题,反而以北京的“止乱制暴”辞令和经济优先作回应。她拒绝按照抗议者的要求建立一个独立的调查委员会。事实上,联合国人权事务委员会在2013年建议,除了建议对警察进行培训外,也建议成立独立的警察调查委员会。相反,她依靠没有甚么权力的监警会进行调查,其在独立性、可信度甚至能力方面都严重不足。

Why the UN and international human rights standards must be defended

为甚么必须捍卫联合国和国际人权标准

China’s aggressive activism at the UN is undermining international standards, weakening existing human rights mechanisms and processes, and restricting the participation of independent civil society voices. This cuts Hong Kong people (as well as human rights defenders in mainland China, and Tibetan and Uyghur communities) from the key international platform available to press for accountability for human rights abuses by China. Instead of the West’s hoped-for convergence, China is not only not playing by the rules; it is also vocally and persistently asserting a set of relativist criteria that it alone can unilaterally apply.   A Chinese official stated at conclusion of China’s 2013 UPR: “What I want to emphasize is that whether the shoes fit, only the person knows. On the human rights situation of China, the people who are most qualified to speak are the people of China.”

中国在联合国的侵略性行为正在破坏国际标准、削弱现有的人权机制和程序、限制独立民间社会的声音。这令香港人(以及中国大陆、西藏和维吾尔族的维权人士)可用于推动追究中国侵犯人权行为的重要国际平台越来越少。中国不仅没有遵守西方所希望的趋向,也不仅没有遵守规则,反而是大声和持久地提出一套相反的、只适用其本身的标准。一位中国官员在联合国对中国2013年的普遍定期审议结束时表示:“我想强调的是鞋子是否合身,只有这个人知道。关于中国的人权状况,最有资格发言的人是中国人民。”

In addition to its disinformation campaign, including the egregious use by China Daily on 9/11 of a photo depicting the destruction of the World Trade Towers to warn of terrorist attack by Hong Kong protesters, Beijing is advancing a narrative of violence to frame the Hong Kong protests that is echoed uncritically by international community. Within this frame, the Hong Kong police, protected in full tactical gear, armed with rubber bullets, guns, tear gas, pepper spray, and batons, wielding the coercive power of the state is presented as one “side” of escalating violent clashes with civilian protesters. Hence calls for “both sides” to de-escalate that deflects attention away from police accountability for its excessive use of force in violation of international standards, and its complicity with non-state violence, such as the triad-related attacks in Yuen Long.

中共推出一连串虚假宣传,包括《中国日报》在9月11日对一幅描绘世界贸易大厦遭到破坏的照片的失实使用,借此警告香港抗争者是恐怖分子。另外,北京正在猛推一套说法,她们将香港的示威活动描述成一个关于暴力的故事,在国际社会上受到广泛批判。在这个论述中,拥有全面战术装备的保护、装备有橡胶子弹、枪支、催泪弹、胡椒喷雾和警棍、具有国家的强大力量的香港警察,被视为暴力冲突升级的“一方”,而平民抗争者则是另“一方”。因此,呼吁“双方”降级,以此分散人们对一系列警方滥权事件的注意力——包括警方违反国际标准、使用过度武力的责任、以及与非国家暴力的共谋,例如元朗与黑社会有关的袭击。

More importantly, the narrow violence narrative framing of the situation on the ground is erasing or marginalizing (intentionally) the proliferation of diverse creative and peaceful protest actions by Hong Kong people such as:

更重要的是,对当地局势的狭隘暴力论述正在消除或有意地边缘化香港人备具创意的和平抗争行动,例如:

• Students are participating in class-boycott actions, forming a “human chain” of joined hands,  shouting slogans across different campuses,  and singing “Do You hear the People sing” during opening ceremony for the academic year when the Chinese national anthem was played. The motto of the school is “Live to Learn, Learn to Live.”

学生们正在参与集体抵制行动,形成一个联手的“人链”,在不同的校园里喊口号,并在中国国歌演奏的学年开幕式上唱“Do You hear the People sing”。该校校训是“生命在于学习,学会生活”。

• Elderly citizens—“silver-hair” volunteers—have organized “protect the children” actions  or marched to support younger protesters.

年长的“银发族”志愿者组织“守护孩子”行动及游行支持年轻的抗议者。

• Hong Kong people of all ages and backgrounds sing together in malls, streets, metro stations, in neighborhood gatherings,“Glory to Hong Kong,” all shared on proliferating viral videos.  And Christians sing “Sing Hallelujah to the Lord” during marches and assemblies.

所有年龄和背景的香港人在商场、街道、地铁站、邻里聚集,一起高唱“愿荣光归香港”,大家将各种视频扩散开。在游行和集会期间,基督徒唱Sing Hallelujah to the Lord。

• A young child leads a call and response —香港人,加油 (Hong Kong people, add oil!) —from a flyover as the stream of marchers pass below.

一个小孩从天桥上带领大家向桥下的游行队伍叫口号——香港人,加油!

• Since August, tenants in Hong Kong’s residential estates shout out their windows every night at 10 p.m. protests slogans with calls and responses echoing across different neighborhoods in Hong Kong.

自八月起,香港市民每晚晚上10点都会打开窗户喊出示威口号,他们发出的震耳呼声响彻各个社区。

• During the “Hong Kong Way” human chain formed by over 200,000 people stretching over 60 km (37 miles) across the city on August 23, citizens climbed up to the iconic Lion Rock, their cellphones forming an unending line of light in the dark night.

8月23日,20多万市民组成60多公里(37英里)的“香港之路”人链,有人爬上了标志性的狮子山,他们的手机在漆黑的夜晚形成无穷无尽的光芒。

• Since late June, Lennon Walls have appeared all over Hong Kong, in almost every district, and also in communities globally, including Japan, Canada, U.S., U.K., and Australia.

自6月下旬以来,连侬墙几乎遍布香港各地,以及全球各地的社区,包括日本、加拿大、美国、英国和澳大利亚。

• Last Friday was Mid- Autumn Festival:  A bakery shop in Sai Wan made mooncakes with protest slogans in support of Hong Kong citizens and anti-extradition movement. 

上周五是中秋节:西环的一家面包店制作印有抗议口号的月饼,以支持香港市民和反修例运动。

• In typical creative humorous Hong Kong fashion, Hong Kongers are creating art, such as miniature figurines of protesters, with a life-like accurate details  or a Hong Kong version of a Goddess of Democracy.

香港人以典型的香港幽默风格创作艺术品,如手工细致的抗议者微型雕像,或香港版的民主女神。

This is what is happening on the ground. Hong Kong people are practicing democracy and exercising their freedoms for as long as possible.  Hong Kongers are making the road by walking it.  That is the real revolution already underway.

这就是实地发生的事情。香港人正尽其所能贯彻民主和自由的权利。香港人正在一步一步踏出一条血路。这是一场已然发生的真正革命。

Thank you again for convening this hearing. I look forward to your questions.

再次感谢您召集本次听证会。我期待著你的提问。

……

——转自自由亚洲电台(2019-09-17)

中国人权双周刊》第270期,2019年9月13日—2019年9月29日

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