A collection of personal narratives and essays by Chinese journalists, intellectuals, lawyers, and activists, on topics including life of peasants and migrants, crime and punishment, prostitution, media censorship, and social and economic inequalities. Incudes two essays by Liu Xiaobo. “Those who want to know what life is really like inside China must read this essential book,” Ian Buruma
A groundbreaking analysis of China’s media censorship system, including the laws, the control and classification mechanisms, the press, and the developing Internet information management policy. He Qinglian (何清涟) is an economist from China and is the author of several books, including China’s Pitfall. She has been living in the United States since 2001.
A revised and expanded edition (2006) includes updated chapters, an expanded section on the Internet, and English translation of select portions of the book. (Liming Cultural Enterprises Co. Ltd.)
The Fog of Censorship: Media Control in China is an expanded, English-language edition of He Qinglian’s 2004 groundbreaking study of China’s media censorship system, Media Control in China. It analyzes how media control in China is carried out through an elaborate architecture of pervasive Party supervision, a broad and vague state secrets system, stringent publishing and licensing mechanisms, control over key personnel, and the concentration of press groups under a handful of media organizations operating directly under the Party. He Qinglian also describes how new technologies, provided in part by Western companies, have strengthened Internet surveillance and censorship. He Qinglian (何清涟) is an economist from China and is the author of several books, including China’s Pitfall. She has been living in the United States since 2001.
This HRIC whitepaper analyzes the counterterrorism policies and practices of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), a regional group comprising six states with deeply troubling human rights records: China, the Russian Federation, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan. It argues that these policies and practices undermine the effectiveness and integrity of the international counterterrorism framework, and enable SCO member states to target their own populations through repressive measures that compromise internationally-recognized human rights.
This report describes and examines China's state secrets system and shows how it allows and even promotes human rights violations by undermining the rights to freedom of expression and information, and by maintaining a culture of secrecy that has a chilling effect on efforts to develop the rule of law and an independent civil society.
In addition to an extensive compilation of laws, regulations, and official documents, many in English translation for the first time, this report includes concrete recommendations relating to governance, legislative amendments, and promoting China’s compliance with and implementation of its international human rights obligations.
This study evaluates the effect of the 1996 amendment of China’s Criminal Procedure Law (CPL, enacted in 1979) and shows that the Chinese authorities have circumvented the CPL’s rights safeguards by exploiting loopholes, watering down existing provisions, and blatantly violating the law. In some areas, the revisions have actually resulted in greater limitations on rights. Includes HRIC’s recommendations on steps that China and the international community can take to improve respect for international human rights norms in China’s criminal justice system.
Based on firsthand accounts and previously undisclosed Communist Party of China and government documents, this report unveils for the first time the complex architecture of law, regulation, and policy in Xinjiang that denies Uighurs religious freedom, and by extension freedom of association, assembly, and expression. The report also shows how China is using the events of September 11, 2001 and the subsequent "war on terror" as a cover for targeting Uighurs.
The focus of this report is the legal status of internal migrants in four of China's major cities, Beijing, Shanghai, Guangzhou, and Shenzhen. It describes the discriminatory laws and policies that make internal migrants second class citizens, essentially leaving 10 to 20 percent of the poorest residents of these cities virtually without rights. Since the poorest and most vulnerable among the rural-to-urban migrants are least able to circumvent the mechanisms of control, due to their lack of money and influence, and are most likely to be subject to official and popular discrimination, their experience is the report's principal subject matter.